In honour of Bob Hawke, we revisit this extract from
A Distant Affinity:
The History of Australian-Israeli Relations
Jewish Political
Studies Review 19:3-4 (Fall 2007)
The Hawke
Years, 1983-1991
The man who defeated Fraser
in the March 1983 election was already well known for supporting Israel and
other “Jewish” causes such as Soviet Jewry. Former trade union leader Bob Hawke
had developed a strong affinity for Israel during a 1971 (and subsequent 1973)
visit to the country, forming good relations with officials from the Histadrut
trade union movement, along with what has been called a “platonic love affair”
with Golda Meir. Both Jerusalem and a visit to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum
profoundly moved him.[77]
Following the visit Hawke
became involved in pro-Israeli activity. He attacked Whitlam for his policies
during the 1973 war, delivered speeches and wrote a booklet arguing Israel’s
case, and fought anti-Israeli segments of the ALP and union movement. He also
became an internationally recognized champion of the campaign to free Soviet
Jews.[78]
Although Hawke’s ardor for
Israel cooled somewhat after the Israeli Labor Party was defeated by the
right-wing Likud in the 1977 election, he came to office with both Jewish and
non-Jewish Australians well aware of his pro-Israeli history. Nevertheless,
Israeli-Australian relations proved more complex and disputatious during the
eight years of Hawke’s prime ministership than might have been expected.
Hawke formulated an original
plan for peace in the late 1970s whereby Israel would withdraw to the 1967
boundaries but would have the right, if attacked from the vacated territories,
to counterattack and permanently retain any land it recaptured.[79] Throughout
his political career Hawke aspired to play a mediating or peacemaking role in
the Middle East.
The Middle East policy of
Hawke’s government, at least until about 1988, largely mirrored that of the
Fraser years though with perhaps some more receptivity to Palestinian and Arab
approaches, especially regarding the role of the PLO. During the election
campaign, Hawke reiterated what had essentially been the Fraser government’s
policy in the early 1980s: support for Israel’s right to “secure and recognized
boundaries” but also for the “right of the Palestinians to their independence
and the possibility of their own independent state.”[80]
In September 1983, shortly
after taking office, the Hawke government announced changes in Australian policy
including support for the establishment of an Arab League office in Australia
and allowing Australian ambassadors to meet PLO representatives “in their range
of political contacts.” However, when Jewish leaders met Hawke to express
concern, they were reassured that the Arab League would not be allowed to use
any office to engage in activity relating to a boycott of Israel or firms
trading with Israel; that there was no change in Australia’s policy of not
recognizing the PLO as long as it denied Israel’s right to exist; and that
Australia would continue to avoid supporting one-sided UN resolutions proposed
by “those countries seeking to delegitimize Israel.”[81]
In December 1983, Hawke had a
confrontation over Israel with Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi during a
British Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in New Delhi. He
successfully insisted on changes to a clause in the final communiqué calling
for the withdrawal solely of Israeli forces from Lebanon, demanding that it
call for all foreign forces to leave, especially Syria’s.[82]
The Hawke years also saw the
first visit by a serving Israeli president to Australia and, reciprocally, the
first visit by a serving Australian prime minister to Israel. President Chaim
Herzog’s visit took place in November 1986; Hawke made a three- day trip to
Israel in January 1987. Herzog’s visit was ceremonial but successful.
“Australia,” he said, “has stood by our side on many occasions in the difficult
years preceding the establishment of the State of Israel and since its
establishment.”[83] Welcoming him, Hawke said that the “friendship between our
countries goes back to the foundation of the modern state of Israel.”[84]
Hawke also had a positive
visit, and was welcomed by Israeli newspapers recalling the role of Australian
soldiers in Palestine during both world wars. He clearly continued to feel a
connection and again was emotional after visiting Yad Vashem. Israeli leaders
asked for Australian help in reaching out to Asian and Pacific nations, and for
progress in establishing direct air connections to Australia.[85] At his final
press conference, Hawke reiterated Australian policy on the need to resolve the
Palestinian problem and expressed hope that mutual Israeli-PLO recognition
might soon be achievable.[86]
Australia’s UN voting during
the Hawke government was somewhat less pro-Israeli than during the Fraser
years. Australia preferred more to vote with the majority of Western nations on
Middle Eastern issues, whereas the Fraser government had been more willing
sometimes to be in the minority.[87]
One major achievement at the
United Nations in this period was the Hawke government’s role in the successful
campaign to rescind the 1975 “Zionism is racism” resolution. Australia began
intense involvement in this effort in October 1986 when Hawke introduced a
motion to the Australian parliament deploring the resolution and calling for
its annulment. With bipartisan support, this passed almost unanimously. The
U.S. Congress followed suit shortly afterward. Throughout the late 1980s and
early 1990s, Australia made it a priority in its routine relations with
neighboring Pacific and Southeast Asian nations to solicit their support for
repealing the resolution, finally achieved in December 1991.[88]
However, the late 1980s also
saw increasing Australian-government criticism of Israel, especially concerning
its handling of the First Intifada and its refusal to countenance talks with
the PLO after its 1988 declaration, which Australia (and the United States)
accepted as constituting recognition of Israel. On the former point, Foreign
Minister Hayden, visiting Israel in February 1988, said Israel’s “sometimes
arbitrary and violent” handling of the crisis caused “profound distress” and
added, “I must be honest: Australia cannot agree with this.” Hawke in
parliament proposed passing a bipartisan resolution expressing concern about
Israeli policies in the territories.[89]
In April 1989, Australia’s UN
ambassador, Dr. Peter Wilenski (who was Jewish) delivered a very one-sided
condemnation of Israeli policies in the territories and even apologized to the
Saudi ambassador for Israel’s alleged mistreatment of people seeking to pray at
the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.[90] In March 1990, the Hawke government issued
a Middle East policy statement that for the first time insisted that East
Jerusalem was part of the West Bank, something that had always been ambiguous
in Australian statements previously.[91]
Matters changed somewhat
following the outbreak of the Gulf crisis prompted by Iraq’s August 1990
invasion of Kuwait. Hawke quickly backed U.S. and UN action to reverse the
invasion and committed three Australian naval vessels to the military coalition.
Contacts with the PLO were also frozen in the wake of Arafat’s backing of
Saddam Hussein. Hawke also firmly opposed linkage, the argument advanced by
Iraq and some commentators that Israel should withdraw from the West Bank and
Gaza as part of a deal for Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait.
However, probably Australia’s
greatest contribution to the war effort was through use of the Nurrungar and
Northwest Cape communication bases, run jointly with the Americans. These
provided real-time data on Iraqi missile launches, and crucial satellite
communication links.[92] After the war it was confirmed that Australia had
provided Israel with top-secret information from Nurrungar warning of the Iraqi
Scud launches against Israel, based on satellite infrared detections. Attacked
for this after the war by left-wing groups opposed to the bases, Australian
defense minister Senator Robert Ray said, “Essentially the [antibases]
coalition accuses me of allowing the Australian-American facilities at
Nurrungar to be used to give early warning time to citizens of Israel that
missiles are coming. If I am guilty of that…that is my proudest moment in
politics.”[93] The parliament also passed a resolution deploring the Iraqi
missile attacks on Israel. [94]
